Preconditions for BRIC-style growth in Philippines
Economics / Asian Economies Nov 25, 2019 - 01:38 PM GMTBy: Dan_Steinbock
	 
	
   In the postwar  and post-Cold War era, the Philippines could have been an economic success  story. Yet, the opportunity was missed between the mid-'60s and mid-2010s. In  the Duterte era, the country is back on track, but BRIC-style growth is needed  to overcome the legacy of past policy mistakes.
In the postwar  and post-Cold War era, the Philippines could have been an economic success  story. Yet, the opportunity was missed between the mid-'60s and mid-2010s. In  the Duterte era, the country is back on track, but BRIC-style growth is needed  to overcome the legacy of past policy mistakes.
In the postwar era, the Philippines was one of the expected  economic success stories in Southeast Asia. The country was positioned for  rapid growth. 
Or so it was thought.
   
Dreams of economic success, realities of stagnation 
  In 1950, Philippine living standards, as reflected by per  capita incomes, were only a third lower than in Malaysia, the leading Southeast  Asian economy (present-day Singapore excluded). In Indonesia and Thailand,  those standards were still 20% behind, while Vietnam and Laos trailed 30% to  40% behind Filipinos.
  In the mid-1960s, following the terms of Roxas, Quirino,  Magsaysay, Garcia and Macapagal, living standards in the Philippines were only  10% less than in Malaysia, while Thailand still trailed behind, whereas Vietnam  had fallen further behind, due to the decolonization struggle against France  and the United States. 
  Despite challenges, the Philippines was catching up with  regional leaders until the ‘60s.
  When the Marcos era ended in 1986, living standards in  Malaysia and Thailand continued to rise. However, Filipino per capita incomes  were now 50% lower than in Malaysia and 25% lower than in Thailand; even behind  those in Indonesia. Vietnamese living standards had plunged 50% lower than  those in the Philippines, but that was due to a devastating war with the U.S.
  What followed was a quarter of a century of the People Power  Revolution. The assumption was that democratic rule – under Corazon Aquino,  Ramos, Estrada, and Arroyo– would spark a dramatic comeback. Yet in 2008, at  the eve of the global financial crisis, living standards in Philippines had  fallen even further behind Malaysia (-72%), Thailand (-66%) and Indonesia  (-34%), even behind Vietnam. 
  Here’s the irony: When Philippines began its democratic  experiment, Vietnam launched Chinese-style economic reforms. The outcome?  Philippines stagnated even further, while Vietnam grew in leaps. In some two  decades, Vietnam’s GDP almost tripled, whereas that of the Philippines  increased only by 50%.
  In the Benigno Aquino III era, Philippine living standards  remained more than 70% behind those in Malaysia, 54% behind Thailand and 34%  after Indonesia. Despite the rhetoric, the period failed to change the course (Figure 1).
Figure 1          ASEAN and Philippine Per Capita Incomes (excl. Singapore),  1950-2008*
  
  Source: Maddison Database; Difference Group
Half a century of missed opportunities  
  What the Duterte government is now trying to cope with is not  just half a century of missed opportunities, but the consequent legacies,  particularly corruption. 
  Here’s one example: Not so long ago, inflation concerns were  still fueled by the supply abuses and hoarding of rice and the consequent  destabilized prices (rice smuggling soared already in the Benigno Aquino III  era). Today, the government must try to contain corruption in the local rice  industry, which is one of the goals of the Rice Tariffication Law, while  protecting the welfare of local farmers who are struggling with volumes of imported  grains.
  After the 2016 election triumph, the Duterte government has  fought hard to focus on its “Build, Build, Build” investment program, which is  what the country has needed ever since World War II. Yet, the implementation  has suffered from domestic politics, particularly the (very costly) budget  debacle in the spring. 
  Nevertheless, the government has been able to re-energize  Philippine modernization and catch-up growth, thanks to its domestic investment  drive and the recalibration of Philippine foreign affairs, which has fueled  Chinese investment in the country.
  To gain a better understanding of the stakes, let’s compare  Goldman Sachs’s original BRIC projections in the 2000s with the actual BRIC  prospects today. Assuming peaceful conditions and managed trade tensions, it  now seems that between 2000 and 2024, Vietnam would grow fastest (compound  annual growth rate at 5.8%), followed by Indonesia (4.2%) and Philippines  (4.0%). 
If the Duterte government can complete its investment program  by 2022 and if the subsequent government will continue to focus on economic  development, the country could grow its GDP seven to eightfold by 2025; more  than originally projected. Vietnamese living standards would almost quadruple, while  those in Indonesia would nearly triple. In the Philippines, living standards would  increase 2.5-times (Figure 2). 
Figure 2          Indonesia, Philippines and Vietnam: GDP Per Capita  2000-2024
  
Source: IMF; Difference Group
Preconditions for BRIC-style expansion 
  Here are some necessary preconditions to achieve Philippine BRIC-like  growth in the early 2020s. First, policy mistakes - such as the past budget  debacle - are not acceptable anymore. In view of people’s livelihood, such  mistakes represent a legally-sanctioned way to penalize living standards in the  future.
  Second, prosperity cannot be created without stability at  home. And the current stability will erode, if the country will face new waves  of terrorism, or if economic development fails to accelerate in Mindanao. 
  A refocused struggle against drugs and corruption should  prevail. Even if prosperity can be created, corruption will reduce its  benefits. Between 2003 and 2014, the Philippines lost $10 billion in illicit  financial flows annually. Tax evasion costs the country $7.4 billion annually;  2.7% of its GDP. Efforts at progressive taxation are elusive as long as the  country ranks at par with Haiti and Morocco in tax evasion.
  Fourth, as the country moves toward an upper-middle income  status, inclusive growth is vital. For decades, exporting people rather than  goods and services has been used to offset inadequate job creation. Now BRIC-like  growth must increasingly benefit many rather than few – and that means more affordable  education, broader welfare and rapid progress in the eradication of poverty. 
  Prosperity cannot be created without peace and stability in  the region. One of President Duterte’s greatest achievements has been his  willingness to recalibrate Philippine foreign policy between the U.S. and  China. No foreign power should have bases in the Philippines, or rotation  arrangements that achieve similar objectives without actual presence. Otherwise  Philippines risks being perceived as the proxy of foreign powers that have  their own interests in the region.
Sixth, the Philippines needs to further strengthen its economic,  political and defense ties with ASEAN nations. Regional mass fosters  international bargaining power. 
BRIC-style growth is not easy. But when it is successful, it can significantly reduce the weight of past policy mistakes – such as the decades of missed opportunities in the pre-Duterte era.
Dr. Dan Steinbock is the founder of Difference Group and has served at the India, China and America Institute (US), Shanghai Institute for International Studies (China) and the EU Center (Singapore). For more, see http://www.differencegroup.net/
© 2019 Copyright Dan Steinbock - All Rights Reserved
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